Newsflash: Uk’s press watchdog is a bit rubbish

by Edward Crocker on 24th February 2010 at 15:30
Doberman Seriously Considering...
Creative Commons License photo credit: bfraz

The Parliamentary Select Committee for Culture, Media and Sport – a body in dire need of a good acronym- has just released its eagerly awaited (by me, anyway) report on the press. The report is making headlines for its conclusion that senior executives at the News of the World concealed  the truth over the paper’s illegal-phone-hacking scandal, something which  could spell serious trouble for Rupert Murdoch’s paper if a judicial inquiry is launched. But just as important,though not as sexy, is its condemnation of the Press Complaints Commission as “toothless”.

The PCC is the watchdog of the press, and it’s really not very good. It’s not very good because it’s a rare example of self-regulation. In other words, it’s funded by the press, staffed by the press and the code of behaviour with which it judges complaints is one the press voluntarily agrees to abide by. It has no legal powers to punish anyone, which doesn’t really matter anyway since with the amount of powerful paper editors it has on its various boards, it rarely makes a damning judgement on the press.

So it was no surprise when the PCC concluded back in November that, despite new evidence to the contrary produced by The Guardian over the summer, there had been no further phone hacking at the News of the World other than the “rotten apple” Clive Goodman, who was jailed back in 2007. The Select Committee  hammers the PCC for this report, calling its conclusions “simplistic and surprising” which is committee-speak for bloody useless. It would be nice to think that this will spur some action to give the watchdog a new set of teeth. The only way to do this is to scrap it and make it a  statutory body, like Ofcom or the BBC trust. Still independent, but with a functioning pair of cojones.

But the truth is that no-one wants to reform the Press Complaints Commission, so it won’t get reformed. The press don’t want to reform it because they don’t want a system that interferes with their ability to make as much money as possible. Parliament don’t want to reform it because they are terrified by the press. Both main party leaders have too much invested in their relationship with Rupert Murdoch to try and do anything about it.

See how it all works? Today’s report might make Murdoch take a hit, but it won’t do a thing to Britain’s worst watchdog.

(The full report can be found here.)

The obsession with “impartiality”: A malign tumour at the heart of journalism

by Edward Crocker on 18th April 2009 at 00:05
This is the BBC Television Service
Creative Commons License photo credit: zawtowers

When it comes to reporting the news, everyone wants to be seen as impartial. Ask someone what that means, however, and they’ll probably just offer you a synonym – unbiased, objective, neutral. But dig deeper into the meaning of impartiality and two things become clear. One is that you can be impartial in very different ways. The other is that when it comes to the quest to remain objective, most major media outlets are suffering from serious – arguably disabling – misconceptions as to how the news should be reported. As recent events have once again highlighted, the globally admired British Broadcasting Corporation is no exception.

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Stand against police brutality

by Mark Brough on 10th April 2009 at 22:13

When did “Law and Order” become just “Order”?

Police Medic

Nine days have now passed since the death of Ian Tomlinson, and in that time, one thing has become very clear: he did not simply die of ‘natural causes’, as the police at the time suggested. In fact, his death was a very unnatural one indeed – and the police are directly responsible.

It’s easy to get very angry about this sort of thing and descend into hyperbole. But two things have become clear:

1) Police tactics are at fault

The police tactic of ‘kettling’ is unnecessary, counter-productive, and unacceptable. Last year the House of Lords ruled that the practice of ‘kettling’, deployed in the May Day protests of 2001 (where thousands of protesters were held for SEVEN HOURS at Oxford Circus) was compatible with the ECHR Article 5(1), as “the sole purpose of the cordon was to maintain public order, that it was proportionate to that need and that those within the cordon were not deprived of their freedom of movement arbitrarily”.

Let’s hope this senseless policy gets overturned at the European Court of Human Rights. When 3000 people are held in an area of less than 2000 square metres for 7 hours, until 21:30, with no food, water, or sanitary provisions, how can that possibly be justified?

Similarly, with the G20 protests, how can it be justified to hold people for such a long period of time, and only allow them to leave if they agree to provide their details and be photographed?

And how can the police get away with smacking people on the head with truncheons, cordoning off and then baton-charging peaceful climate camp demonstrators (who hours earlier had been pitching tents, playing music, and selling flapjack) and setting dogs on people who had been posing no threat at all?

If there’s one video you watch today – assuming you’ve watched the videos of the police beating Ian Tomlinson (1, 2)- watch this one. Riot police march in to beat unarmed, peaceful protesters, with their hands in the air. Then watch this one from the film Goodbye Lenin, which depicts the Stasi’s tactics of violently breaking up demonstrations. That there is any resemblance between the two at all is appalling.

How can these things not be seen as a deterrent to future protest, and a breach of Article 5?

2) The policeman responsible for Ian Tomlinson’s death should go to prison – and for a long time. But he’s not the only one.

I’m afraid, not for the first time, that I am going to have to disagree with the charming commentator on this (very good) Daily Mail article (via) who said:

“Ian Tomlinson, drunk and out for trouble, decided to deliberately walk into a riot situation and blatantly obstruct the police. He was pushed out of the way. He died because he was a chronic alcoholic and was likely on his last legs anyway. The police did nothing wrong and, compared to other European countries, acted in a very restrained manner. This whole media frenzy is pathetic, transparent and more to the point, very boring. Nobody cared about this man when he was alive, not the media, not the readers of this column and certainly not his family, so let’s have less of the crocodile tears and public lamenting now he’s dead. If people want to criticise the police then do so, but don’t assume everyone is of such low intelligence that putting a bit of spin about a story of a drunk having a heart attack will prompt any right-thinking person into outrage and anarchy.”

- Dom, UK, 10/4/2009 10:40

Ian Tomlinson wasn’t doing anything wrong. He was a bystander, making his way home from selling newspapers. The video clearly shows him shuffling away from the police with his hands in his pockets.

But even if he was doing something wrong, that is obviously no excuse for smacking him in the legs and violently throwing him to the ground. The policeman actually lunged at his back. The only threat to public order was from that policeman himself.

As others have pointed out, this particular piece of brutality which led to Ian Tomlinson’s death was not exceptional; there were countless examples of this on the day. So yes, this stupid thug should go to prison, and for a very long time, both for what he did and to set an example to others thinking of going the same way. But this goes much higher than that.

The Met is not only responsible for the police tactics, it’s also responsible for the disgraceful way that it responded to Ian Tomlinson’s death, briefing that it was “of natural causes” and that demonstrators threw bricks, bottles, etc. while police were trying to save his life. And the media’s responsible for unquestioningly lapping it up. It’s since “emerged” that he was an alcoholic Milwall fan staying in a bail hostel. Oh, well that’s ok then.

So what’s going to happen now?

Well it’s clear that IPCC inquiry is not going to be sufficient. As the Guardian’s editorial on Thursday noted,

“And what kind of independent body is it whose first reaction to the Guardian’s evidence on Tuesday night was to call at our offices (accompanied by a City of London policeman) and ask for it to be taken off the website?”

Surprise! The CCTV cameras “weren’t working”. Sorry, that must have come as a shock. And from that Channel 4 News interview, the chairman of the IPCC is clearly an idiot.

We need a full judicial inquiry, and the only way we’re going to get that is if sufficient pressure is placed on those who can make it happen. Protests might not help much, but it’s better than nothing.

Join the protest against police brutality, tomorrow (Saturday 11th April) at 11:30, at Bethnal Green police station.

I want to have confidence in my police service again. I want to trust them, and to believe that they’re there to protect me. How can I do that when nine days ago, a man died at their hands, and they don’t seem all that bothered?

Some more coverage:

She’s Back

by Mark Bailey on 1st March 2009 at 13:21

Suddenly she’s everywhere.  Docu-dramas on the Beeb (and what could be more thrilling than Portillo on Thatcher?); a New Statesman special issue; op-eds from the Guardian to the Telegraph; portrait hangings at No. 10.  Yep, apparently we have Thatcher Fever.  What accounts for the sudden revivalism of a legacy which has been spurned for two decades?  I don’t buy the argument that this is a matter of simple anniversaries.  Sure, it’s almost 30 years since Sunny Jim miscalculated the election date, but I don’t recall a similar fiesta in 1999.  

Nor, it would now seem, does the mere mention of “Maggie, Maggie, Maggie” elict the Pavlovian response “Out Out Out!”  The BBC’s sympathetic portrayal, and Gordon’s acceptance of the idea of not only a Downing Street portrait, but even a state funeral, seem to imply that after Harry Enfield’s Tory Boy, an election campaign based around Thatcher’s hair on Hague’s head and spontaneous celebration when she quit, it’s finally OK to be a bit soft on the Iron Lady.  Just when did it go out of fashion to hate Tories?

How has this happened?  Well, as Martin Kettle points out in his Guardian column, part of the explanation is that, unlike in 1999, we’re now on the precipice of a Conservative comeback.  David Cameron is poised to become the next Prime Minister, so, the media seem to be presuming, we’re all a bit nostalgic for the last era of Conservative hegemony, if not (as in the case of my generation) curious about what it was actually like.

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Bush’s legacy: A Temporary Reprieve

by Chris Fellingham on 20th February 2009 at 18:06

In her latest Op-Ed in the New York Times, Maureen Dowd covers Will Ferrell’s “W” on Broadway. The gist of Dowd’s article is the sense of sympathy extended to President Bush, in Will Ferrell’s play, here is an excerpt from Dowd’s article in which she quotes Adam McKay:

“He’s so clearly a neglected 13-year-old that there’s something really kind of heartbreaking about him,” McKay said, calling him “a good-time Charlie” who was “just used his whole life to front questionable business endeavors, and in a way that’s what his presidency was.

“He doesn’t have Cheney’s cartoonish need for power and greed that’s so off the charts you don’t even understand how Cheney got that way. W. may have some awareness, deep down inside, sort of like a petulant teenager who just flunked the trig quiz and knows he screwed up. I think Cheney not only knows but is delighted with everything he did, as is Rumsfeld.”

It’s true that there may be some exoneration of President Bush by the media and public, certainly as Bush’s Presidency ran down the clock there appeared sympathy, from the press.  Why might this be the case and what impact, if any it will have on Bush’s legacy?

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The Blame Game in the Winter’s Recession

by Chris Fellingham on 2nd February 2009 at 19:37

Google who’s to blame for the economic crisis and you’ll be gifted a bold array of stark headlines from Business Week to the Guardian’s 25 people to blame. I think there is something of a wintry chill to the blame game.  With few pleasant distractions, many people are sharpening their knives for the creators of this mess. No one should be surprised, there needs to be some catharsis of public anger and who better a target than those in power or those with wealth. Nevertheless, while I think blaming is inevitable it’s also premature, and when we eventually pull out of the recession, and look to understand what occurred and how to prevent this kind of event in the future, the blame game as it currently stands will be a distraction from discovering the  underlying causes.

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